In the fifth chapter of her book, entitled "Border Work", Bettie
examines social mobility between classes within the site of her
ethnography-- a public, Midwestern high school-- and the population of
her study, mainly white and Mexican-American middle and working class
girls. She examines how some of the girls choose to "embrace" their
class identity (for example, working class girls who wear a lot of
makeup and embrace alternative hairstyles, music, and "markers" of their
anti-mainstream viewpoint and working class status) even as other girls
practice upward social mobility by "performing" the identity of a
middle class girl.
I was pleased that Bettie noted
that "exceptions are the rule" when it comes to performing class
identity. Yet she does make tentative generalizations and provide an
in-depth study of how the girls see themselves, how they would like to
be seen, how they view the "others" in their school and outside of their
social groups. I find her connection between the girls' social
mobility and their futures-- ie whether they go to a four year or
community college or "experience maternity" (as she so deftly puts it)
upon graduating from high school.
The sixth chapter
brings up an interesting point. Most of the girls who Bettie
interviewed for her book had no discourse to speak about class, even if
they did understand something more about the intersections of race and
gender. Class is often a marginalized facet of girls' and womens'
identities, even within ethnographic studies such as Bettie's. After
reading her references throughout the book to the bestselling
ethnography Saving Ophelia, I felt compelled to read the two to
have better means of comparing them. It is absolutely true that
sociologists and researchers studying young women look first to
upper-middle class, white women as their subjects.
Through
her book, Bettie has obviously filled a great void in our
understandings of identity and how it intersects with gender, class, and
race. That the girl themselves seemed to have no discourse to discuss
the class which they, nevertheless, constantly "performed" suggests that
women often view themselves as "class-less", as Bettie suggests early
on in her book. I remember reading that women, much more frequently
than men, identify as "the daughter of X" or "the wife or mother of X",
in accordance with their relationships to family members and to men in
particular, rather than first identifying themselves as part of a
socioeconomic class or by their occupation, hobbies, etc. I believe
this is something of a travesty, and that Beattie brings up an important
point: "women are never without class" and learning more about how
class intersects with how women identify as women, as having a racial
identity, etc, is essential to gaining a better understanding of women's identity, discourse, and economics.
In
regards to how this book and our study of it enriches our class's
discussion of identity, rhetoric, and writing, I feel that many of us
will be able to relate to the socioeconomic world-- the world of high
school and that of a small town-- presented by Beattie in this book. We
have previously also not considered gender in terms of how it affects
identity to the extent that we have considered ethnicity, class, and
socioeconomic status through our other readings and discussions.
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